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History of the Baptists of Illinois
By Edward P. Brand

CHAPTER XXIV
The Battle for Freedom

But for the clause inserted by Congress in the constitution of the Northwestern Territory, in 1787, the first constitution of the state of: Illinois would have admitted slavery. The convention that prepared that first Illinois constitution did not make slavery illegal, but legalized it under the name of "indentured servants." The frenzied agitation over the admission of Missouri into the Union, in 1822, brought the question to the front in Illinois. In the state election of 1822 the legislature and state government elect[ed] were proslavery, except the governor, Edward Coles, and he was elected only because while the proslavery vote was divided between two opposing candidates the anti-slavery vote was concentrated on Coles. Even then he won by only fifty votes. In a total vote of 8600 in the state, there was a normal proslavery majority of 2000. How then shall Illinois be in fact a free state? It was accomplished by the enemy himself, in a manner he did not intend.

In his first message to the legislature Gov. Coles recommended the "emancipatlon of the French slaves and a revision of the slave code of the state. That portion of the message was referred to a committee, which ironically determined to grant the governor all the revision he wanted. They recommended that there be submitted to the people the question of calling a convention to revise the state constitution, supposing that with the well known proslavery majority in the state the result would be a proslavery constitution. The governor had not asked for this, arid he vetoed the measure, but by a two-thirds vote it was passed over his veto. The occasion was celebrated by a procession and banquet, for it was accepted as certain that Illinois would be a slave state. One of the toasts drank was:
"The state of Illinois: the ground is good; give us plenty of negroes and a little industry and she will distribute her treasure."
It is the tramp's desire of a good living and little work; but the elements of true manhood are not in it. The campaign began in the spring of 1823; election day was Monday, August 2, 1824.

The convention members of the legislature before adjourning subscribed among themselves $1000 in aid of their cause. But their opponents went beyond them. The governor gave his entire salary for four years -- $4000. Contributions were made by all classes, and the money
[p. 82]
was used in printing and circulating literature, and holding public meetings. James Lemen the elder was no longer with them, but in his place were his sons and their associates. The five Baptized Churches of Christ, Friends to Humanity, then in the state, were each of them a power. We may quote further from Benjamin Ogle's Circular Letter of that year:
"To our utter astonishment we have among us men who have exerted every nerve to introduce the God-provoking practice of unmerited slavery into our happy state, under the borrowed, not to say stolen, cloak of humanity. Many of them have the assurance to tell us that they are as much opposed to the spirit and practice of slavery as anyone. What a contradiction is this! Let the most distressed if he be a person of color apply for redress; will they hear his complaints? Are they not deaf to the cries of the broken in heart? Is not justice far from them? Let the Lord by the mouth of the prophet speak concerning them.

"'Speaking oppression and revolt, conceiving and uttering from the heart words of falsehood, and judgment is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, for truth is fallen in the street and enquiry cannot enter.'

"Some tell us it is a political evil, and does not belong to our mission; therefore we ought to be silent. But is it not a transgression of the moral law of God? If so it is our duty to cry out against it. The truth is, they dread the preachers, and did they have the power they would soon place them where they would no more be troubled with reproofs.

"Let us not forget that mighty weapon, prayer; calling daily upon God who is able to turn the counsels of the wicked into foolishness. Pray not, as some do, that fire would come down from heaven and devour them, but that God would have compassion on them and cause them to see their folly."

John M. Peck and William Kinney, who were together at the organization of Rock Spring Baptist church in 1822, found themselves on opposite sides in 1823. Elder Kinney was active for the Convention, and Elder Peck was as active against. it. Gov. Reynolds; who was a participant in the contest, says:
"As soon as the convention resolution was carried in John M. Peck had a meeting called in St. Clair county, and a constitution was adopted to prevent the introduction of slavery into Illinois. Headquarters were established in St. Clair county, and societies were organized in so many other counties, all acting in unison with the main society. A perfect organization was kept up throughout the state during the canvass, which was effected more by the exertions of Mr. Peck than any other person.

[p. 83]
"By the arrangement of Mr. Peck and Gov. Coles, David Blackwell was appointed Secretary of State, and purchased the Vandalia Intelligencer, the most widely circulated newspaper in the state. This was a great lever for the 'anties,' as the opposition party was called."

The societies organized by Elder Peck were called Friends of Freedom, so that at the last he stood shoulder to shoulder with the Friends to Humanity. As the result he was roundly denounced by many of his former friends, but without doubt their motive was more political than personal. They resented Mr. Peck's effective campaign work, which they had reason to do if they were on the other side. Neighborhoods and families were divided, and discussions often ended in personal violence. Officials of all classes were largely proslavery. The Madisoa county commissioners brought suit against Gov. Coles for releasing his former slaves without giving bond that they should not become public charges. He was fined $2000. The legislature finally remitted the fine, but a proslavery judge ruled that they had no power so to do and gave judgment on the verdict. The supreme court, however, overruled the judge.

Election day brought out every available voter on both sides. Even the aged, the sick, the crippled, were brought some of them many miles to the polls. Settlers from the neighborhood of Peoria went a hundred miles to their polling place at Springfield, to vote against a convention that would take freedom out of their constitution. The Covenanters of Randolph county allowed the urgency of the case to overcome their scruples, and voted for the first and last time in their lives. Or rather they followed their scruples, for surely on that day they voted in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.

There were 11,612 votes cast, against 4,707 at the presidential election following, and to the surprise of all there was a majority against the proposed slavery constitution of 1668 votes. The question was settled for all time. It was a great struggle, and a great victory. Those who would have made Illinois a slave state were now ashamed of themselves, and would hide their record. "In six months after the question was settled," wrote Elder Peck, "a politician who was in favor of the introduction of slavery into the state was a rarity." Gov. Reynolds made this confession:
"I voted for the Convention as a measure to advance the best interests of the country, and that the introduction of slavery should only be for a limited period. After that those in the state, should be gradually emancipated. But WE WERE ALL MISTAKEN, in supporting the convention."

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[Edward P. Brand, Illinois Baptists -- A History, 1930, pp. 81-83. -- jrd]


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